Monday, October 31, 2011

Community, Movement, and Song in Action: An Ethnography of the Imani Jubilee Singers’ Family Weekend Service

Benjamin Gellman
Professor Miller
Musical Youth Cultures
1 November 2011


Community, Movement, and Song in Action: An Ethnography of the Imani Jubilee Singers’ Family Weekend Service


“People, look to the ceiling and clap your hands!  This is the Lord’s hour!”  


Those were the first words that seeped from the pulpit at Manning Chapel on a cool Sunday evening in mid-October during the weekly Imani Jubilee service.  The young woman who uttered them, a petite young black woman with a deep Southern accent reflecting her roots in suburban Memphis and a silver cross glittering on her neckline, prompted a cascade of clapping from the 50-strong audience as the choir began to hum its homegrown rendition of Israel Houghton’s “Lord You Are Good.”  The young woman sitting next to me, who grew up in Port-au-Prince, whispered along with the words.  Then she turned to me and asked, “do you know this song?”  My blank face indicated a no; she smiled and nodded along with the music.

Born in 2010 from the desire to infuse Brown’s weekly black nondenominational Christian prayer service, Imani Jubilee, with musical fervor, the Imani Jubilee Singers are a community of black students from disparate geographical, cultural, and even religious backgrounds; what guides them, and the audience that follows them each week, are their musical narratives of faith in the divine and affirmation of shared black identity; these forces are embraced through a musical repertoire that pervades the ninety-minute service almost without pause.  In this ethnography I will posit three key conditions that mark the Singers’ performance and render their following on campus particularly significant.  The Singers’ positioning in a predominately white and largely secular campus community, use of clapping and vocal gestures that bridge their performance with their audience’s worship experience, and their reliance on a holistic perspective of black religious life that incorporates a variety of languages and musical techniques into their performance, are pillars of the musical experience at Imani Jubilee and indicators of the group’s significance and versatility as a cultural institution within the Brown community.


The positioning of Imani Jubilee as Brown’s only service designated explicitly as “a contemporary worship service in the Black Church Tradition which Celebrates the Faith as Believers in Christ” (http://www.brown.edu/Administration/Chaplains/Communities/imanijubilee.html) at a predominately white university with a largely secular student body is imperative in driving the spiritual fervor of this service.  Okize, the young man who organized the Singers last academic year, explained to me before the service that “lots of black students here [at Brown] are accustomed to hearing gospel choirs, listening to their pastor’s sermons, shoutin’ in the crowd, but they get to Brown and realize how there isn’t that much God here after all” (Okize).  Okize’s comment underscores a campus vibe in which many students do not utilize religious resources when they come to Brown. Furthermore, while many black students at Brown were raised in communities and worshipped in churches whose racial composition was predominately black, here at Brown the trappings of black neighborhood life, let alone the fervor of predominately black religious spaces, are rendered slim by the relatively low concentration of black students.  These factors render the need for a space for black Christians to gather especially pertinent for those students who wish to maintain Christian traditions at Brown.


Music, Okize explains, was “truly at the heart of the church experience for many of us [black students] growing up,” and the insertion of a musical component into the Imani Jubilee experience through the creation of the Singers was, in another student’s words, “imperative to bringing back the religious experiences of our childhood Sunday mornings” (York).  This constitutes a variety of stylistic qualities that could be easily perceived at the Family Weekend concert that are typical of black Christian musical traditions as a whole.  For example, the Singers’ (and audience’s) use of clapping was a cornerstone of all the songs they performed at the concert.  On the first verse of their rendition of Kirk Franklin’s “My Life, My World, My All,” Okize ushered the audience to “clap along with us, let the Lord hear your hands come together!”  The ritualized clapping that accompanied the choir’s performance allowed unschooled participants, like me (I was raised in a Jewish household and had only been to one black Christian service before) to join in the experience.  During the Franklin piece, I felt at least marginally integrated into the performance; that said, considering the significant level of physical interaction with the Singers’ performance, juxtaposed with my religious upbringing amid emotionless recitations of Hebrew prayers, I recognized that my background inscribed a sense of disengagement with the performance.  This sense of being out of place within the service was probably evident, as the Reverend later asked, “how did you like the way we do things around here?”  


Midway through the Kirk Franklin tune, two members of the choir entered the aisle that ran between the rows of pews in Manning Chapel, shouting “stand up for the Lord!”  As everyone stood up, an element of togetherness among the crowd became visible in this moment of shared group movement.  Once the choir ended that selection, its members spread out along the aisle and sustained a harmonic humming sound as Reverend Mathis begun reading a verse from the New Testament.  This delicate hum of voices remained as the sermon continued, uniting the Biblical content coming from Mathis’ mouth with the affirmation of this content through the Singers’ harmony.  This choir’s power in creating new dimensions of sound alongside the Reverend’s voice allowed a message of faith to extend physically throughout the crowd, mediated by the Singers’ dispersal across Manning Chapel.  


As Reverend Mathis finished his reading from the Bible, the Singers sprinted to the stage, rearranged themselves, and began singing a song called “Oh Mon Dieu” in Haitian Creole.   It dawned on me that, despite the shared black identity of the Christians involved in the Imani Jubilee experience, there was tremendous diversity in their cultural and religious backgrounds, and the very makeup of the Singers attests to this heterogeneity.  A Haitian-American Catholic from outside Boston taught the Singers this piece, and the group was simultaneously learning an African-inspired hymn from a Nigerian-American Singer.  The performance of a multilingual and multicultural gospel repertoire demonstrates the importance of a holistic vision of black Christian life in a university community that features a phenomenally diverse range of national and religious identities among its black students.  This is both a necessary and versatile feature of the Imani Jubilee experience, as it proves that the musicians’ capacity for building community around collective identity recognizes the nuances within black Christian experiences and helps foster a spirit of togetherness among a highly nuanced black Christian demographic.


The service ended with the Singers’ round of “Betelehemu,” a Yoruba round loaded with opportunity for the audience to clap along.  As the Singers filed out, my friend Jessica slipped into the pew next to me and whispered, “I’m glad to see you here! God bless!,” gave me a peck on the cheek, and slipped back into the aisle.  There I stood, enmeshed in a spiritual energy unlike any I had seen growing up, a visitor rendered welcome by the power of a collective spiritual energy and a magnificent soundtrack.

WORD COUNT: 1198

Monday, October 24, 2011

Critical Review Set 2, Post #1 (Rose)

Rose’s article touched on some critical issues in hip hop that interested me, but I’d argue that some of her claims feel a little forced.  Rose asserts that hip hop is organized around the notions of “flow, layering and rupture in line” (82), and applies this logic to the flow and movement of muscles and joints in breakdancing, the three-dimensional design of graffiti lettering, and the more obvious presence of flow in the creation and execution of lyrics.  These seem like cool examples of the imagery she’s pushing, but are these really the principal notions that bind the many angles of hip hop together?  I am attracted to the idea of postmodern urban space, in its many tangible forms, serving as the roots from which hip hop emerged (the rumble of MTA trains through Bronx as a soundtrack for gritty lyrics, or the emergence of electronic turntable technology), but again it seems funky when Rose credits these disparate elements of the postindustrial city as the root of hip hop culture.  
Rose’s assertion that “hip hop developed as part of a cross-cultural communication network” also doesn’t wholly underscore the ways in which hip hop created divisions between the communities of color (Hispanic, Afro-Caribbeans and African-Americans) in which many principles of hip hop were conceived (84).  I would like to see more analysis of how the racially diverse nature of hip hop’s terrain in the 1970’s also rendered this terrain more contested?  In what ways to the fact that conditions of urban plight that bound many communities of color together during the era of hip hop’s conception also serve as divisive influences among these very communities?

Wednesday, October 12, 2011

Field Notes Set #1 - Queer Nightlife

field notes on queer nightlife
Clubs!! ---> Mirabar (“the twink underwear party place plus straight girls”) ... Club Hell (Zetes go on fetish night... “watch out it’s lots of leather”)...Dark Lady (“lesbians”)...Eagle (daddiez, hair hair hair, won’t let me in)
-My time at Mirabar last year involved a 4 hour adventure with two straight friends, both of them women of color who are Brown students...they were hit on each by at least three different men who wanted to take them home...presence of straight women with their guard down-->attracts nongay boys
-Most young-ish gay men were not Brown students I think...I think i’d know them if they were
-racially mixed...about 50% of men appeared to be men of color and 50% white....women much more homogenously white demographic
-
-ZONING PATTERNS WITHIN CLUB---->twinx in corner, daddies by the bar, more daddies upstairs
-Mirabar is a vertical club, you can look down from the balcony and watch dancers
-Who gets employed by clubs? Bartenders, Busboyz, Ticket salespeople...largely white and super skinny..
-THIS IS A MUSIC YOUTH CULTURES CLASS...what is the music associated with queer nightlife?
-Oliver:: fetish night at Hell conflates kink with goth soundtrack
-Mirabar=club mixes of popular music, lots of Britney & Rihanna
-video bar---->i don’t get this concept...
Adam Green (jstor)...-->there’s a pecking order based on whiteness and economic status to access of ownership in queer neighborhood life...but is this remotely relevant in clubland?...clubs as capable to level these things’
connections with readings::
-Goth as a site of sexual freedom, boundaries as fluid applies to capability of transcending sexual limits 
-Maira->describes caste system based on notions of desirability as it relates to race...is this skin-tone-based pecking order a gendered thing as it is among men/women in Desi scene?
-Is queer nightlife implicitly a subculture and separate from mainstream?...THORNTON...mainstream’s boundaries are fluid, but don’t queer venues exist in opposition to a homophobic or generally an antiqueer mainstrem?

My New Project Proposal: QUEER NIGHTLIFE IN PROVIDENCE

For my project, I am going to study the queer nightlife scene in Providence.    As a culturally diverse city that serves as a nightlife hub for the state of Rhode Island and southern Massachusetts, and with its high concentration of college and university students, Providence serves as a locus of interaction between individuals and groups that occupy distinct racial, socioeconomic, cultural, ethnic, age, and (most centrally in my research) sexual subject positions. 
This semester I will attempt to document how the presence of clubs and venues that cater to queer communities influence these patterns of interaction.  The presence of an organized queer nocturnal economy, mediated through clubs like Dark Lady, Mirabar, and the Eagle, bring together a cross-section of individuals and link them to a network constructed by social and often sexual experiences unavailable elsewhere in the city.  I will track how variations in sexual orientation play out on the often sexually charged atmosphere of the dance club, and try to notice how tropes of desirability trace racial, economic, and aesthetic dimensions of the participants in this subculture, and take note of the gendered quality of this scene.
Who goes to these clubs, and how far do they come to experience a queer social/sexual  atmosphere (and to what end?)  How does the presence of Brown, RISD, Johnson & Wales and other colleges and universities inform the queering of Providence nightlife?  How are bodies judged, rethought, and adorned within spaces set aside for queer expression and sexualization?  And how do gender, race, and weight issues intersect with queer identities to make this scene especially complex?
I intend to analyze these trends from the perspective of a participant in Providence nightlife.  I will experience the club aesthetic firsthand this semester, and analyze my subject position as a white gay male to figure out how my subject positions embed me into queer-clubland.  I look forward to going about this project.  READY.SET.GOOO <3 

Monday, October 10, 2011

Field Notes Set #1

field notes on dancehall
D A N C E H A L L
-digitalized reggae/”ragga”...faster paced than more standard reggae music
-riddim----->playing old tracks on new rhythms; reconfiguring old-school Jamaican sound in Kingston’s dancehalls...1970’s-90’s
-Violent lyrics, heavy bassline, womanizing lyrics
-Homophobia (Buju Banton most controversial)...gay rights groups vs. dancehall artists
-HAILE SELASSIE always mentioned in lyrics-->Ethiopian, messiah in Jamaican/Rasta tradition
-ghetto youth in Kingston ..advancement? diaspora-->changing aims of genre
-hybridization (hip hop/reggae)..USA/Jamaica interchange
-clothes/materialism..chains “jeans & fitted” look but expensive stuff ..gold shades
-videos-->women thick hips, tight jeans, navels showing...
-cake soap/skin bleach/skin color-power dynamics...why women bleach faces
*straight, pointy noses>kinky/nappy hair in jamaican ideals of desirability..Brown>black skin
  • “Browning”--a woman with skin the color of brown sugar idealized (kinda like Maira/caste system narrative?) 
Dancehall party on campus-October 7, 2011
-Mostly Brown University students, some from Tolman HS in Pawtucket 
-wall dances...both men & women utilizing wall for gyration on Sean Paul song, Rihanna rmx.
-mostly black and latino students, most students dancing come from east coast (pawtucket/pvd, boston, nyc area)
-dress-->not unlike any typical party apparel...v necks/jeans for boys, some fitted caps, very little  overly expensive garb... women dressed more modestly than in dancehall video circuit
-soundtrack-->heavily mixed between dancehall and hip hop, some remixes that blur the lines significantly...
-2 songs have the same riddim-->prompt the same choreography despite having distinct creators/musicians..
-dutty wine circle-->men and women thrash heads around in middle...same as what I’ve seen at orientation dances
-nobody on the ground...”winin” limited to wall and to each other...sexualized dancing was limited to men on women although some “reverse grinding” (men grinding on women, women “receiving”)
-

Field Notes Set #1

field notes on dancehall
D A N C E H A L L
-digitalized reggae/”ragga”...faster paced than more standard reggae music
-riddim----->playing old tracks on new rhythms; reconfiguring old-school Jamaican sound in Kingston’s dancehalls...1970’s-90’s
-Violent lyrics, heavy bassline, womanizing lyrics
-Homophobia (Buju Banton most controversial)...gay rights groups vs. dancehall artists
-HAILE SELASSIE always mentioned in lyrics-->Ethiopian, messiah in Jamaican/Rasta tradition
-ghetto youth in Kingston ..advancement? diaspora-->changing aims of genre
-hybridization (hip hop/reggae)..USA/Jamaica interchange
-clothes/materialism..chains “jeans & fitted” look but expensive stuff ..gold shades
-videos-->women thick hips, tight jeans, navels showing...
-cake soap/skin bleach/skin color-power dynamics...why women bleach faces
*straight, pointy noses>kinky/nappy hair in jamaican ideals of desirability..Brown>black skin
  • “Browning”--a woman with skin the color of brown sugar idealized (kinda like Maira/caste system narrative?) 
Dancehall party on campus-October 7, 2011
-Mostly Brown University students, some from Tolman HS in Pawtucket 
-wall dances...both men & women utilizing wall for gyration on Sean Paul song, Rihanna rmx.
-mostly black and latino students, most students dancing come from east coast (pawtucket/pvd, boston, nyc area)
-dress-->not unlike any typical party apparel...v necks/jeans for boys, some fitted caps, very little  overly expensive garb... women dressed more modestly than in dancehall video circuit
-soundtrack-->heavily mixed between dancehall and hip hop, some remixes that blur the lines significantly...
-2 songs have the same riddim-->prompt the same choreography despite having distinct creators/musicians..
-dutty wine circle-->men and women thrash heads around in middle...same as what I’ve seen at orientation dances
-nobody on the ground...”winin” limited to wall and to each other...sexualized dancing was limited to men on women although some “reverse grinding” (men grinding on women, women “receiving”)
-

Sunday, October 9, 2011

Critical Review Set 1, Post #4 (Miller, due 10/11)

Questions for Professor Miller:
This might not be a legit question for the purposes of the Critical Review...but I’m curious to know what prompted this interest?  I feel like professors at Brown tend to leave the answers to this question out of their work in the classroom, which is fine and understandable.  But I am asking you what energized you to examine Guitar Hero competition on the ground in 2009 and how your research interests have developed in general?  
Another question that I want to ask you but isn’t as vague and holistic is how race and class dynamics impacted the Guitar Hero and Rock Band world you accessed in 2009?  When Mike talked about the mystique attached to seeing his black female friend perform a grungy Metallica joint, the topic of racial subjectivity entered this analysis.  In general, is this scene diverse enough racially to produce moments of musical irony like this a lot?  Also, how does class, and childhood access to virtual games like Guitar Hero and Rock Band, impact the way this scene is created and the concept of access to events like the conventions (ie. GameUnicorn) and competitions you experienced that summer?
Question for the Class:
In her article Professor Miller observes the often “frantic” physicality associated with participants’ adrenaline-spiked Guitar Hero bouts, a physicality that is mediated by whatever must be done to achieve a high score and master a virtual percussive or musical arrangement.  In class we have discussed the concept of a listener’s orientation toward music (this is often a physically reactive orientation) in the context of the “countermemory” associated with whites listening to “Midnight Hour.”  How does the fact that Guitar Hero engages participants with a score-based, virtual screenplay that accompanies their musical performance affect their physical relationship/orientation with/towards the music at hand?  Furthermore, how can we use McClary’s logic that music’s resistive and sociopolitical power rests in its ability to transform and influence the body to trace the evolution of virtualized performative stuff like Garage Band?